Abbot Wang from the Mogao Caves

Abbot Wang, also known as Wang daoshi or Wang Tao-shih, is one of the most infamous figures in the history of Chinese archaeology. He was the Taoist priest (i.e. daoshi) who stayed at the Mogao Caves near Dunhuang, taking care of the Buddhist temple complex when Aurel Stein visited the site in the autumn of 1907. In 1900 Wang had found in one of the caves a hidden chamber filled to the ceiling with ancient manuscripts and silk paintings. It has become a legend how Stein convinced the priest to part with tens of thousands of scrolls in exchange for a modest donation towards the restoration of the temples. A few months after this the French sinologist Paul Pelliot appeared on the scene and was able to acquire another sizeable collection, which was, on account of his competence as a sinologist, in many ways superior to that of Stein. Next came the Japanese and later the Russian expeditions, each taking home collections of manuscripts.

Although at the time there was little animosity towards either foreign explorers or Abbot Wang, with the rise of patriotic sentiments in the late 1920s, the transactions in retrospect received an increasing amount of negative publicity. As a result, Stein was branded a thief who deprived the country of an important piece of its national heritage, whereas Abbot Wang was perceived by the public as either a traitor who sold out his country to  foreigners or simply a fool.

In a photograph taken by Stein at the Mogao Caves (Serindia, Oxford: Clarendon, 1921, vol. II, p. 804) Abbot Wang does appear in a rather unflattering way, albeit perfectly friendly. His stance, clothes and expression all suggest a simple-minded person (see Fig. 1).

Fig. 1. Abbot Wang (Wang Tao-shih) in Serindia, vol. II.

Perhaps because this image so aptly fits the general impression about the Abbot that it became very popular and by now this is how he is remembered. Stein’s description of the Abbot also matched the photo, as in several places he wrote about him in a decidedly dismissive way. For example:

Wang Tao-shih’s ignorance of all that constitutes traditional Chinese scholarship had soon been correctly diagnosed by Chiang Ssŭ-yeh. So I knew that no useful purpose could be served by talking to him about my archaeological interests, about the  value of first-hand materials for historical and antiquarian research, and the like, however helpful I had always found such topics for securing the friendly interest and good will of educated Chinese officials. (Serindia, vol. II, pp. 804-805)

Ironically, in this passage Stein criticizes Abbot Wang for his ignorance of “traditional Chinese scholarship”, of which he himself was even more ignorant, not even being able to speak any Chinese at the time. (Learning from the experience of the brilliant French sinologist Paul Pelliot, in later years Stein grew to understand the PR value of being able to speak Chinese to local officials and has made several attempts to learn Chinese.) We can also hardly blame the Abbot for not sharing Stein’s colonial eagerness to secure these “first-hand materials for historical and antiquarian research” and move them to Europe.

In any case, rather than writing a defence for Abbot Wang, I wanted to add to the public record two portraits from among Stein’s photographs which may help to add a human dimension to the simplistic image that currently prevails. The first one is actually from the same photo shown above, only zoomed in so that we can see the priest’s facial features. The other one is more or less unknown to the general public, cropped from a larger image where the Abbot appears only on the side.

Abbot Wang in Dunhuang -- British Library: Photo 392/26(327).

Abbot Wang -- British Library: Photo 392/26(322).

 

Posted in 20th century, archaeology, Aurel Stein, Dunhuang, exploration, Travel, Uncategorized | Tagged , , , , | Leave a comment

An English boy in Chinese Turkestan

I just received a hard copy of this paper and am putting it up a PDF so it is more accessible. The paper is about the young English boy who travelled with Tachibana Zuicho to Western China in 1910 on an archaeological expedition, and who appears in Peter Hopkirk’s book Foreign Devils on the Silk Road as “A. O. Hobbs.” Although almost nothing was known about him, I managed to dig up some additional information, including his family background and some forgotten details about the expeditions.

Here is the bibliographic information:

Imre Galambos. “An English boy in Chinese Turkestan: The story of Orlando Hobbs”. Studia Orientalia Slovaca 10/1 (2011), pp. 81-98.

Posted in 20th century, archaeology, exploration, History of scholarship, Japanese, Otani expeditions, published papers, Travel | Tagged , , , , , | Leave a comment

Consistency in Tangut translations of Chinese military texts

This is an article that came out recently:

Galambos, Imre. “Consistency in Tangut Translations of Chinese Military Texts“. In: Irina Popova ed., Tanguty v Tsentral’noj Azii: Sbornik stat’ej v chest’ 80-letija prof. E. I. Kychanova [Tanguts in Central Asia: a collection of articles marking the 80th anniversary of Prof. E. I. Kychanov]. Moscow: Oriental Literature. 84-96.

This is a paper about how consistently terms and names used in Chinese military texts (e.g. Sunzi 孫子, Litao 六韜) appeared in Tangut translations of these texts. I argue that in a specialized genre such as Chinese works on military strategy, the shared terminology and the quotes and references between the texts works as a corpus builder, creating an intertextual network. In Tangut translations, however, we find very little evidence for such intertextuality because the terminology lacks consistency and even quotations from the Sunzi are translated diffently each time they appear. The reason for this is that there was no authoritative or standard translation in existence and when the Tangut translator came across a name or quote, he just translated it as part of the rest of the text, without looking up how this has been translated by others before, thereby severing the connections that held the Chinese corpus together.

Read the full text of the article here: Consistency in Tangut Translations of Chinese Military Texts

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Odd variants in a Buddhist manuscript

There is a Dunhuang copy of the Da fangbian Fo baoenjing 大方便佛報恩經 (The sutra of requiting kindness) at the National Library of China (shelfmark BD01534) which has a number of interesting character variants. One of them is the character 爾 in the phrase ershi 爾時 (at that time), which is extremely common in Chinese translations of Buddhist sutras (e.g. “At that time the Buddha…”). In Buddhist texts, the character in this phrase is invariably written as 尒, which is thus recognized as an alternate form of the standard character 爾. But manuscript BD01534 at the National Library of China writes this variant in a number of different ways:

  

Of these, the first one is the “normal” way of writing the character, which one would expect in a Buddhist manuscript. The other two are completely unattested in both the lexicographic tradition and – to my knowledge – in other manuscripts. The third form, which is completely wrong as it has the component 心 at the bottom instead of 小, seems to have been influenced by the character 恭 written 6 characters earlier in the same line:

Nevertheless, these anomalous forms seem to imply that the person was largely unaware of not only how this character was supposed to be written but also what it meant in this context. Obviously, he was fully literate because most of the manuscript is written in a “normal” way, yet some characters are problematic. In this case, the distinctly Buddhist way of writing the character 爾 as 尒 suggests that he was completely unfamiliar with Buddhist literature. In some cases, for example, he did not only “misspell” the character 尒 but replaced it altogether with another one, resulting in the meaningless phrase lingshi 令時:

Once again, this points to a complete unfamiliarity of the scribe with Buddhist sutras, where the phrase ershi 尒時 occurs with considerable frequency. Interestingly, this difficulty of reading correctly the Buddhist form 尒 is also attested in the philological tradition. Most notably, the late 6th-century work Jingdian shiwen 經典釋文 quotes the Xiang’er 相爾 commentary to the Laozi 老子, writing it as Xiangyu 相余. William G. Boltz (1982, p. 95, n. 2) comments on this that “this would suggest that he [i.e. Lu Deming 陸德明, the author of the Jingdian shiwen] had never actually seen the text.” Boltz is right in pointing out that the error was the result of misreading 尔, the other common variant of 爾, although we may go a step further and specify that the variant behind the misreading was probably the form 尒 commonly seen in medieval Buddhist manuscripts. This, in turn, suggests that the error may have been introduced not by Lu Deming himself but occurred in the course of the transmission of the Jingdian shiwen. This is also corroborated by the fact that in contrast with this erroneous case, the title of the Xiang’er commentary appears elsewhere in the Jingdian shiwen correctly on at least two occasions.

But coming back to manuscript BD01534, we can also see a number of other variants that are unusual. One of these is the presence of several examples of the Empress Wu character 圀, normally used during the reign of Wu Zetian 武則天 (690-705) in place of the standard form of 國 (country, state). In terms of its physical appearance, however, the manuscript seems to be from the 9th-10th century, although it is undated and thus we cannot be certain about this. We should also keep in mind that there are known examples of Empress Wu characters being used in later manuscripts because they were copied over from earlier ones (cf. Drège 1984). Zhang Nan 张楠 (1992), for example, describes how this particular character continued to be used in Yunnan long after the time of Empress Wu. Nevertheless, in the majority of cases the rule of being able to date manuscripts to Empress Wu’s reign based on the characters she enforced seems to hold true.

The manuscript also has a number of orthographic inconsistencies, such as the following examples:

 

 

 

These are, however, not unusual and it is quite common in the Dunhuang manuscripts to see alternate forms of the same character, even if the entire scroll was written by the same person. This is simply part of manuscript culture. But there are still some variants that do not make sense. For example, the second character in the phrase qingjing 清淨 (peaceful and quiet) is very strange:

Here the right side component of the second character is 乎, rather than the usual 爭. Once again, this is a wholly unattested variant and must be considered an error, especially since the character 淨 appears elsewhere within the same manuscript in its correct form.

Now what do all these variants mean? Although I cannot be entirely sure but it seems that the manuscript was produced outside of the sutra-copying tradition to which we attribute most of the Dunhuang scrolls. It was probably copied by someone who was not familiar with Buddhist sutras, which is a problematic scenario in the Buddhist community of medieval Dunhuang. All this means that this particular manuscript deserves further study and, until we can account for the reasons behind its irregular features, should be used with caution.

References:

Boltz, William G., “The religious and philosophical significance of the ‘Hsiang Erh’ Lao Tzu in light of the Ma-wang-tui silk manuscripts,” BSOAS 45.1 (1982): 95-117.

Drège, Jean-Pierre, ”Les Caractères de l’impératrice Wu Zetian dans les manuscrits de Dunhuang et Turfan,” BEFEO 73 (1984): 339-354.

Zhang Nan 張楠, “Wu Zhou xinzi ‘guo’ zai Yunnan de liuchuan kaoshi” 武周新字“國”在雲南的流傳考釋, Gugong bowuyuan yuankan 故宮博物院院刊 (1992) 3: 60-61.

Posted in Character variants, Chinese writing, Dating, Dunhuang, Orthography, Palaeography, Scribal habits | Tagged , , , , , | 4 Comments

Aurel Stein’s visit to Japan

Galambos, Imre. “Sir Aurel Stein’s visit to Japan His diary and notebook.” In Helen Wang, ed., Sir Aurel Stein: Colleagues and collections. British Museum Research Publication 184 (2012): 1-9.

This paper is based on Aurel Stein’s diary and notebook he kept while travelling in Japan in  the spring of 1930. He only spent a few days in Japan, before going to Nanking to lobby for a visa and digging permit, but he met most of the Japanese scholars active in the newly emerging field of Dunhuang studies, both in Tokyo and the Kansai area.

The volume is an online publication available as British Museum Research Publication 184.

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Grid lines in medieval Chinese scrolls: Functionality or design?

Medieval manuscript scrolls are often ruled with grid lines to guide the hand of the calligrapher. These lines are a basic feature of most standard Buddhist and Taoist scrolls, which typically have 17 characters per line and 27-28 (or 31) lines per sheet of paper. But other types of manuscripts with less standard layout also often employed the same system of grid lines. There are usually two horizontal grid lines, one at the top of the sheet and one at the bottom, creating a margin of an inch or two on both ends. The vertical grid lines are drawn to connect the horizontal ones, and the characters are then written between the vertical strips created this way. This produces an even and aesthetically pleasing appearance. In some cases, the vertical grid lines or the horizontal ones can also be missing, which surprisingly does not seem to affect the quality of calligraphy. Manuscript Or.8210/S.230 (Plate 1) below is a typical example of the use of vertical and horizontal grid lines.

Grid lines in manuscript Or.8210/S.230

Plate 1. Grid lines in manuscript Or.8210/S.230

Even though there is usually an even number of characters per line, these are not aligned horizontally, as they vary in size and spacing according to the rhythm of the calligraphy. For this very reason, there are no horizontal grid lines except for the two main ones which enclose the text from the top and bottom.

In most cases the grid lines are very faint and appear to our modern eye as if drawn with a pencil. In reality, they are written with a thin brush using diluted ink. This way, they do not dominate the layout but remain in the background, at times staying almost invisible. This suggests that they were not strictly speaking part of the design but rather a trace of the process of creating the sutra. In other words, their functionality lasted only while the text was being written and after that they lost their use. Having said that, there are cases where the grid lines are very strong and were obviously intended to remain highly visible. For example, in Or.8212/480 in Plate 2, an early fragment from Loulan (3rd-4th century?), the lines are extremely well pronounced and go well beyond seving as guidelines for the calligrapher. They were certainly intended to be part of the layout.

Or.8212.480

Plate 2. Manuscript Or.8212.480 from Loulan

An even more interesting case is Pelliot chinois 4500 (see Plate 3), a silk manuscript with an apocryphal sutra where the characters are embroidered onto the material. Similar to sutras written on paper, the text is guided by vertical and  horizontal grid lines, regardless of the fact that the artisan embroidering the characters probably did not need such devices to keep the characters straight. Nevertheless, as far as I can see from the online photographs of the verso of the scroll, the stitchings were done over brush-written characters and it is possible that the grid lines were used in the process of writing the text with a brush, before having those embroidered. This scenario, however, does not explain why the lines had to be so prominent. All in all, there are clearly cases when the grid lines do not serve an immediate role but are created or preserved to be part of the layout design. This is also corroborated by their presence in many stone inscriptions where they would have served no functional purpose whatsoever.

Embroidered silk manuscript

Plate 3. Embroidered silk manuscript Pelliot chinois 4500

Posted in archaeology, Chinese writing, Dunhuang, epigraphy, Palaeography, Scribal habits | Tagged , , , , | 3 Comments

An unrecognized photo of Aurel Stein

Last week we went down for a few days to the south of Hungary and while there I wanted to see at a village called Gádoros, near Orosháza, the “museum” of Zsigmond Justh (1863-1894), a talented Hungarian writer who died too young to fulfill his early promise. He was a close friend of Lionel Dunsterforce (1865-1946), the later major-general, after whom R. Kipling modelled the character Stalky in his book Stalky and Co. (Dunsterville later used this name in the title of his own memoirs: Stalky’s Reminiscences, London: 1928.) Justh visited Dunsterville in 1892 in Mian Mir where the Englishman was stationed at the time. It is here that he met the young Aurel Stein who was working at the Oriental College in Lahore. Following their acquaintance, Stein wrote a number of very warm letters to Justh and in the following summer even visited him at his estate in Szenttornya, not far from Gádoros where his museum is today. Although Justh died the following year (1894), Stein and Dunsterville corresponded for decades (at the Hungarian National Library there are letters from Dunsterville to Stein from 1941).

In the two small rooms of the museum (or rather, exhibition) there are lots of photographs and letters. Among the material related to his trip to India, there is a group photo where the bearded Justh sits on a chair, holding a tea cup on his knee. The caption reads, “With his friends in India — next to him is Lionel Dunsterville.” But on the left side, we can see the standing figure of the young Aurel Stein. This is a rare photo from this early period of Stein’s life, long before he became a celebrated explorer. The photo must date to December 1892, when Justh was visiting.

Stein, Justh and Dunsterville in Lahore, 1892

Aurel Stein, 1892

A close-up of the young Aurel Stein

 

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Manuscripts and Travellers in your local bookstore

Sam van Schaik and Imre Galambos, Manuscripts and Travellers: The Sino-Tibetan Documents of a Tenth-Century Buddhist Pilgrim (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012).

Our book is finally out. It all started about 5 years ago when Sam asked me if I wanted to join him in writing a paper about a Tibetan-Chinese manuscript from Dunhuang, currently kept at the British Library. As we worked on the manuscript, he on the Tibetan, I on the Chinese parts of it, the original paper kept growing until it made more sense to publish it as a monograph.

The book is about several manuscripts that had been glued together into a single scroll. This scroll was carried by a Chinese monk in the late 960s through the regions of Amdo and Hexi, as part of his larger pilgrimage from Wutaishan to the Nalanda monastery in India. We do not know if he ever reached his final destination, since we only have his manuscript for the part in Qinghai and Gansu. Included are Tibetan letters of introduction addressed to abbots of monasteries along the way, demonstrating the linguistic and cultural diversity of the region during the early years of the newly emerging Song dynasty. The longest of the manuscripts had Tibetan tantric texts on one side (invisible from the outside as it was glued onto the letters) and a copy of juan 3 of the Chinese sutra called Baoenjing 報恩經 on the other. Finally, there was a copy of a stone inscription commemorating the Gantong Monastery 感通寺 near Liangzhou 涼州, to which a short colophon was added, stating that the copy was made by a certain Daozhao 道昭 in 968. In the book, we take the manuscript apart and study each text. Then we try to put them back together and see how and why they were glued together and what their function was with regard to the pilgrimage.

Manuscripts and travellers is beautifully produced and includes color images of the entire manuscript with all its parts.

Posted in archaeology, Aurel Stein, books, Dunhuang, Palaeography, published papers, Scribal habits, Tibetan, Travel | Tagged , , | Leave a comment

Manuscripts of translations made from printed texts

Recently a 16-volume publication came out with “rare and precious” (guji zhenben 古籍珍本) travel manuscripts in the collection of the National Library of China (NLC). Having flipped through the volumes, I was surprised to find a text titled Xiongyali youji 匈牙利游記 (Record of travelling in Hungary). This looked very interesting because it seemed to be an unknown manuscript of a Chinese person who had travelled to Hungary sometime during the late 19th or early 20th centuries. It was written in classical Chinese and talked about travelling to different parts of the country, visiting Gypsy communities and Slovak villages, etc. It was all very exciting and I only became suspicious when I read at the end of the text that the person had to go to the British Embassy after the local chief of police at the Russian border confiscated his camera. But I reasoned that this Chinaman might have been a British resident or that he had friends there.

A few months later by sheer accident I found the original of this story, published by the English photographer A. W. Cutler in the popular Wide World Magazine under the title “A Picture Hunter in Hungary” (1914, XXXII-XXXIII). So I realized that the Chinese version was a translation from English. Of course, the manuscript at the NLC said nothing about all this but now I had clear evidence that the story was authored by an English photographer in 1914. As I looked more carefully through the 16 volumes of travelogues, I also found some other translations, although in some cases they were clearly marked as being translated from another language. As it turned out, most of these modern travel accounts have been published around 1914 in the popular Shanghainese journal Xiaoshuo yuebao 小說月報. Whether the manuscripts at the NLC collection were a copy made for the journal or the journal simply used them remains unclear.

But what I would like to draw attention to here is the fact that we have a group of manuscripts published as ”rare and precious” (guji zhenben 古籍珍本) and in reality they are translations of stories taken from a pulp magazine in another country. This is precisely what the Wide World Magazine was, an adventure magazine with a questionable degree of credibility. And yet when the stories were adopted by intellectuals in Shanghai and translated into elegant classical Chinese, they suddenly become much more valuable.

We should not forget either that there is a “manuscript” aspect to all of this. Many of the texts in the 16 volumes are handwritten translations of printed stories from cheap popular periodicals. Yes, they are manuscripts but neither autograph diaries nor copies in a long line of transmission. Instead, they are much more ordinary things and by calling them “rare and precious” yet publishing them without a single line of explanation creates the impression that they are something they are not. I think that this transition from print to manuscript, from English to Chinese, from adventure stories to elegant prose is a fascinating aspect of textual transmission. It reminds us that the process of transmission is much more complex than just making copies from earlier copies. Texts can re-incarnate in different form, language and context and in the course of this their value and function may change completely. In fact, they are no longer the same text, as in their new environment they are reborn with a new identity.

Travelling in Hungary

Image 1. First page of the manuscript Xiongyali youji (Travelling in Hungary)

 

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The beginnings of Tibetan studies: Denison Ross and Alexander Csoma de Kőrös

This is an article of mine that has just come out:

Imre Galambos. “‘Touched a nation’s heart’: Sir E. Denison Ross and Alexander Csoma de Kőrös.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Volume 21, No. 3 (July 2011): 361-375.

Read full text here: Csoma de Kőrös.

Abstract:
The papers of Sir Edward Denison Ross (1871–1940) at the Archives of the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) include a series of letters from Hungary, which thank him for his contribution in bringing the world’s attention to Alexander Csoma de Kőrös (1784–1842). Some of these letters were produced collectively by learned societies and signed by dozens of male and female members, but many were also written by ordinary people expressing their admiration for Csoma, the scholar who had walked most of the way from Transylvania to India in search of the roots of the Hungarian language and people. This lively response was a result of a lecture that Ross delivered on 5 January 1910 at the Asiatic Society of Bengal in Calcutta which became a sensation in Hungary in a matter of weeks. This article therefore looks at the phenomenon of how Ross’s purely academic research, to use Albert von Le Coq’s words, “touched a nation’s heart” and earned him a celebrity status in Csoma’s homeland. It is particularly interesting to uncover the motives behind this great publicity and show how it was orchestrated by two young Hungarians in Calcutta for not entirely unselfish purposes.

Read full text here: Csoma de Kőrös.

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